NSMinistries
December 30th 2004, 01:46 PM
The Gender Implication (http://www.christianity.com/partner/Article_Display_Page/0,,PTID19179%7CCHID119948%7CCIID1920188,00.html)
By Daniel Arnold
PPPFUA Admin.
Women in the South Asian American Church (1964- Present)
PPPFUA -
The Gender Implication: Women in the South Asian American Church (1964- Present)
By Daniel Arnold
Michigan State University
12/14/04
In America, it is not difficult to live under the assumption that all United States citizens and legal residents have the same views regarding the gender roles they are given in society. Attitudes towards gender roles and stereotypes have become a source of contention throughout the nation since its birth. But before drawing any conclusion on the views of women in the United States, factors such as cultural and religious heritage must be taken into account. In this study, Christian American women from South Asia are considered based on their adjustment to these roles from homeland and the application of the unique set of values in place within the South Asian American Church setting.
To examine the impact of this adjustment on South Asian American Christian women, much more than the attitude of a single church must be looked at. These factors include the attitudes of other individual denominations in their social and doctrinal practices, the evolution of feminism globally, and the initial immigration experience itself (with the component of tradition).
A key component to the initial experience for many South Asian Christian immigrant women was the welcoming of nurses to the United States to meet needs of a nursing shortage—which came along with the reforming of immigration policy in the late 20th Century. But the role this single component played on the female gender in their immigrant experience is up to the discretion of source inquired as it changes with time.
This study reveals the complexity of the adjustment of South Asian American Christian women to a new culture in United States while carrying along a patriarchal value system within their homeland culture and in most brands of the Christian faith.
Explanation behind the South Asian American immigration experience for Christian women does not begin with today’s news—nor does feminism. Nor does a single governmental Act set the ball rolling, but rather the product of many factors present as well as past—evolving on a national as well as international scale. Along with that, the complexity of which church or scholar, in which denomination, in what region, paints a historical and present view of reality that can only attempt to bring the issue of gender adjustment to light in a way that captures the experience of South Asian American Christian women as a whole.
A major source of studying of South Asian American Christian women was conducted by interviewing members of a particular church—the Indian International Church. Pastor Danesh Manik, in an interview conducted on the 24th of November, 2004, laid out aims for the Indian International Church and compared it to other Indian Churches:
They key difference with this church is that it really is not different from any American Church.
The differences that you would find in this Indian Church are (1) that we are gearing ourselves
towards Indian community. What we are trying to do is establish a platform so that we are able to
connect with the Indian community. Most Indians if they came and heard there was an Indian
Church they are more eager and apt to come. Whereas regular church probably would not go
there.
To us the aim is to evangelize the Indian Community. Therefore, we need a platform and this
seems t o be one of the platforms where we can get people to come by saying this is an Indian
Church. The only thing Indian about it is the pastor is Indian, most of the congregation is Indian,
and we gear our message and whole philosophies to reach the Indians. Often the messages are
simple. The key is to assume that nobody out there knows the Bible. Just like when I first came
to the church I didn’t understand any message because I had absolutely no idea how the Bible was
constructed even.
It’s geared towards Indian community but not necessarily in the sense of Indian services where we
are speaking a different language or we are very much similar to any service you would walk into
in an American Church.
To me one of the platforms to reach the Indian community… My aim was we have to get to the
Indian Community somehow. Indians in general have a feeling that religious places are religious
and they would go there even if they really didn’t quite believe the same way. So that’s the same
way I went to church—out of curiosity. It’s a religious place so you’ll notice that even though we
don’t have as many people we are meeting in the sanctuary. Sanctuary by default in the Indian
mind is a holy place and they are more apt to listen.
We are gearing everything from the Indian minds, the Indian viewpoint—not necessarily language or anything else. Thinking about what an Indian would think and how to present this message to them.[1]
This background sets the Indian International apart as one of many unique churches within the classification of South Asian Indian American Churches that women must adjust to.
Although times are changing globally and nationally, cultural adjustment for immigrants based upon gender roles has been largely affected by the disparity of gender rights in India versus the United States. As many Americans know, women did not always enjoy the level of gender equality they experience today in the United States—as voting rights were not even given to women until the 20th Century, but they have made headway at a much quicker rate then India. According to Rao of the Women’s Studies International Forum, it was not until the “1955 Hindu Marriage Act” and the ”1956 Hindu Succession Act” led by Nehru that by law Hindu women were allowed “to inherit property and seek divorce or separation from their husbands.”[2] Despite legislation against amniocentesis (sex-determination tests for the unborn), amniocentesis tests point to another Indian cultural example of gender inequality that is behind in its evolution process. Rao cites, “As Sarkar and Butalia point out, since the introduction of this technology in the early 1980s, the number of abortion have quadrupled and 99% of the abortions take place when the fetus is suspected to be female (to avoid large dowries down the road).”[3] These statistics and legislation scratch the surface of the reality of an India that has further headway to make in the area of gender equality.
Arpana Sircar, author of “Work Roles, Gender Roles and Asian Indian Immigrant Women in the United,” provides a shocking case study example through her own observations as a child:
The awareness of the gender underpinnings of the interaction unfolding before me, however, goes
back a long way to my years in Calcutta when I helplessly watched an oppressive system in
operation, without knowing why it was so. I watched nine-month pregnant mothers cook
elaborate midday meals for their extended families and then wait to have their food til every body
else had polished off the choicest morsels leaving them hardly any, and I wondered why. I
watched a neighbor’s alcoholic chauffeur routinely beat his emaciated wife and pre-teen daughter
while the teenage son standing close by was never touched and nobody in the neighborhood
intervened, and I wondered why. More than once on my way to school, I saw newborn baby girls
abandoned in roadside dustbins, never baby boys, and wondered why.[4]
With these types of oppression of women in place in India—at least in the recent past. It would seem that a woman’s adjustment to America would be easy. However, taking into account a desire to preserve tradition and religious beliefs adopted by Indian women, that hypothesis can quickly prove to be shortsighted.
In matters of adjustment from India tradition to American culture for any South Asian Indian women coming over to America, views can vary on the difficulty. Radhika Sharma, a writer in India Currents, talks about how she feels that the difficulty of women’s adjustment is different from men’s. While this source does not appear scholarly, it does present a person’s raw feelings:
I look at the upbeat, magnanimous stories telling me, and my tiny sub-group, the Indian-American
woman, that we have the best of both worlds—values and freedom—and wonder why each time
such stories evoke a strong visceral reaction in me. Just like the generic “curry” conveys an
incomplete picture, staying on restaurant menus for want of a better adjective, similarly, the part-
fact, part-myth persona of the well-adjusted immigrant woman endures dues to the lack of a
deeper discussion of their core struggles. My gentlemen friends and acquaintances tell me, “Come
on, it’s just as hard for us.” Yes, my friends, it may be hard for you. But the operative phrase is
“just as.” What softens the blow of men’s relocation is the presence of a reason, however transient
that might have been.[5]
Now the question remains, why would I throw this outpouring of complex emotion into the study when many scholarly resources are at hand, job availability for women will be mentioned in the area of nursing, and the woman here is not necessarily a Christian herself? Realistically speaking, the adjustment of South Asian American women to American culture is complex. Having a career does not complete a woman’s emotions, traditions, and community ties. As in this case, some women may feel no reason to go overseas, but they must follow their husbands.
Perhaps one of the most difficult aspects of India for immigrant women to give up is the strong sense of community built throughout their lives in their homeland. Pastor Danesh of the Indian International Church in Okemos, Michigan, noticed the need to address this in reaching out to the South Asian Indian American Christian Church body.
Community is absolutely essential to the Indians. I think that Indian key characteristics are that
they are a group culture—not an individualistic culture. They are a culture that values community.
One of the things you’ll hear Indians say they miss in America is the casualness of getting together
of friends. In India, we don’t call and say, “Can I come over?” We just show up in friends’ and
families’ places. That community is constant community is missing.
The Church really needs to address the needs of the community. I don’t think we are doing an
excellent job at that. We are doing ok. I think we should probably be more community driven.
There is a little bit of a difference. Indians who settle in America become more American,
become more individualistic. Eventually, they kind of assimilate. They are no longer as
community driven as the Indians in India are. So we are kind of a medium balance. What we do
have is therefore we always after for a fellowship time and food. Because that’s our key
community time where we can just relax and get to know each other. It’s essential for the Indian
community.
The other kinds of things we do are calling each other and getting together. Even the Bible studies
on Friday nights. We try to dismiss the idea of having food afterwards but the culture is such that
wherever they go, they’ll have snacks afterwards in fellowship time. A community just happens
most of the time anyways.[6]
Yet, which gender the pressures of this adjustment fall on is hard to calculate. It is possible that a man might feel more comfortable coming over alone than a female, but as a family unit would he feel more pressured to meet all the needs as the “head of the house” in Christian society than a female? When asked about what was the scariest about coming over to America, a man named Sam _____ , from the Indian International Church replied, “I was not scared coming over as not married. I was not scared of much of anything. Not scared by the cultural gap, a little bit worried. How do I get adjusted to new people and culture, no family or friends? But it would’ve been scarier if I came with family.”[7]
A question in the reader’s mind may be what are the attitudes towards males being the “head of the house” (or church) in society from India to the United States. It cannot just be assumed to be the same. Particularly for one classification of Christians, “Of great concern for evangelicals is the principle of male headship in the family.”[8] (The page goes on to describe this headship in the context of “servant leaders,” the debating that exists with evangelical circles regarding this issue, and widespread opposition to women as clergy.) Although these views do seem straightforward enough a bit of generational difference plays into the protests that do exist from Asian Americans with patriarchal attitudes. In other words, the second generation may take on a different view than first generation immigrants. For example, “A marriage between a Korean American woman and a man from Korea, is very problematic because the Americanized bride cannot accept the male chauvinism of the groom from Korea,” according to Pyong Gap Min’s essay quoted by Alumkal’s “Asian American Evangelical Churches.”[9] In general, Alumkal claimed that for Asian Americans he noticed “second-generation Asian Americans were maintaining beliefs in gender hierarchy but articulating these beliefs in language consistent with evangelical discourse.”[10]
But even though those interviewed at the Indian International Church were all first-generation immigrants and not second-generation, they seemed to in general (from the study conducted) follow the same pattern that Alumkal described—calling into question whether their length of stay in America—long enough to raise children—caused them to adapt more like second-generation Asian Americans who had lived in the United States all their life. Supasani _____ began discussing her views on female roles in the church by talking about the significance of having people sit apart in the church.
Mostly because of respect. Old Testament women would cover their head. They would not talk in
church. They would sit there in a different pew and be more submissive during the service. Only men would preach the Word of God. Women don’t take the responsibilities. It’s more of a respect for God.[11]
This is an example of gender hierarchy articulated through beliefs.
Even I grew up like that. When I was small, I went to a church like that. Now things have
changed maybe in the last five or ten years. Times have changed so much. Women are allowed to
start taking part. Hair given covering for women. If you cut your hair it’s a disgrace. What the
Bible says: If you have long hair cover head. Covering head shows submission to God.
(As far as change in leadership roles between men and women in Churches from India to
America), in U.S., it must have started long ago. It doesn’t seem unordinary to see women
preaching or leading worship. But in India you’ll rarely find women preaching. But in the last
five to ten years you do see some women preaching. But it takes a lot of courage to come forward
and stand and preach. Because mostly the culture is male dominated.*
Even the Bible says the wife should be submissive to the husband. A lot of times I viewed that if
a woman talks in the front, what will the other people think? What does this lady think? Is she
greater than the man? That’s how people view. It’s not so freely accepted. They aren’t really
cynical, but they are negative about it.
There is discomfort if leading it, a lot of criticism even if God is leading. It takes a lot of courage.
After the last ten years, slowly things are changing. Women are saying they need equal rights.[12]
The talk of drastic changing in gender roles in India over the last five to ten years is very specific and is restated in Pastor Danesh Manik’s explanation of how cultural traditions specific to female gender roles are changing as a whole and for specifically the Indian International Church.
There are many cultural things that are different and do impact our church. One big dynamic is
that India itself is changing the gender roles are no longer the same as they were even ten years
ago. The work force women are doing things that only men used to do. They have come a long
ways. Their rules are not really different anymore except the new generation get older and they
take over. And you find less differences between India and America.
The second dynamic that plays in cultural traditions is that the Indians that come to America
become less focused with the cultural traditions so there’s a diminishing of the cultural impact.
Although there remains a cultural impact especially for the older Indian people who come to the
church and in even the Indian International Church. And our church is much less culturally
driven. Indian women will put coverings on their heads. That’s a natural thing for Indians.
Other churches I’ve preached at they take their shoes off. They wouldn’t wear any shoes in the
church. It’s a very prevalent thing, but in our church it isn’t, but we don’t mind it if people did it.
It’s in the Old Testament too. So that’s a cultural tradition.[13]
(I noticed in attending this church, though not necessarily for other South Asian Indian Churches, that cultural traditions in clothing and seating are welcomed, accepted, and not discussed.) Other churches were discussed through the rest of Pastor Danesh Manik’s answer to this question.
In other Indian Churches, some very strict old style church you will notice that the women will sit on one side and the men on the other. There is no husband and wife sitting next to each other. Now that doesn’t happen at our church.
In some other Indian Churches you’ll notice that… Yes, in America too, especially in the Indian Pentecostal Church. They are very strict about gender roles it that you’d see the differences. Again, in Indian Churches, you’d see less women in leadership.[14]
From my observations with different American denominations, I was shocked at the statement that the Indian Pentecostal Church is strict about gender. Within the Greater Lansing region (including Okemos), I have personally known of two female Pentecostal pastors—one Asian Indian woman and a white woman who I heard regularly preach. (They are ministers as part of the Michigan State University Pentecostal Christian Fellowship group called ”Chi Alpha.”) This stark contrast from what I knew of the Pentecostal denomination as a whole and did not know of the Indian Pentecostal Church, raised question in the study. To my inquiry, Pastor Danesh Manik replied:
In India, they do have some (female pastors), but mostly men. In America you might see some more, but I don’t think that it is dramatically different.[15]
Pastor Danesh ended his discussion of cultural differences with a discussion on other denominations and how their influence has carried to the United States.
The Indian Catholic Church is very different than the Catholic Church here. There’s a lot of Hindu influence on the Catholic Church. And what they do is not much different from what a Hindu would do in worship. The Catholic Church is one of the mainstream churches in India.[16]
I gained insight into the Hindu culture’s major role in all of Indian culture simply by my confusion over the classification of groups within Sucheng Chan’s book, “Asian Americans: An Interpretive story.” Within the introduction, she states, “But people from India have also been known as East Indians, Hindus, and Hindustanis.”[17] Pastor Danesh Manik would clarify that the Hindu religion was not accepted necessarily by everyone taking on the identity of a Hindu, but rather so “encrusted into Indian culture” that they take on the name.[18] Such a concept is important in understanding Pastor Danesh Manik’s earlier statements about the role of drawing Asian Indians to a sanctuary as a general holy place—on account of the Hindu appeal to general religiosity.
In his concluding statements about denominational differences, Pastor Danesh reflected back on the Pentecostal Indian Church, back on the churches in India, and other denominations. “Pentecostal Indian Church is very strict and rigid on its rules. That’s the current flavor you’ll find in India. And other denominations are most similar to American Protestant Churches.”[19]
Looking at observations on denominational stances made by Pastor Danesh Manik and on gender roles in church made by Supasani, it was shocking to see the Indian cultural influence change strict denominational rules about gender that most American Churches value highly—either to be conforming or to have no such rule. However, statements made by these interviews can only be valued up to the experience of the individual and their studies. Although it would seem that from these interviews one could gather that the South Asian Americans stand behind Scripture and this makes their views sound, whether or not stated explicitly, these denominations seem to make statements and quote specific verses consistent with Alumkal’s view (in his view specifically about gender hierarchy) that they “articulate views in language consistent with evangelical discourse.” Though not necessarily the case with the Indian International Church, basically, with a virtually limitless supply of Biblical content, it would seem possible for any denomination to either use verses in context or out of context to shape the very Word of God to defend what individual groups believe or wish to believe. This leaves the complicated situation of denominational differences and cultural tradition in the hands of Asian Indian immigrants in a large country with many denominational choices. In response to a question about why Asian Indian Churches in America are very small (average size of twenty members), Pastor Danesh explained that “only 2% of Indians from India are Christian to begin with” and that “many assimilate with the American Church.”[20]
For any immigrant to come over to America, let alone become assimilated, they had to acquire a visa or citizenship during this period (1964- present). A key way to do this was family sponsorship or by coming over with a desirable occupational skill that the United States had a need for. For Christian women in India, nursing fit this bill. According to “a 1993 survey completed by 678 Indian Christians in the United States, 182 of the 256 identified as women listed nursing as their occupation.”[21]*
What drove nurses to the United States was a phenomena of need that started well before 1993. It would prove to be influential in the altering of immigration policy in America. An article, “The Nursing Shortage and the Nurse Training Act of 1964,” sketched out the nursing needs present at the time evident by the development of such an Act.
“This bill initiated a five year $287,630,000 program designed to increase nursing school graduates by 75 percent by 1970” through “construction”, “grants” for students and for upgrading “quality”, “for low-interest, partially forgivable student loans, and for the program’s administration.”[22]
Yett’s article clearly outlined the following needs and goals—including the limitations the Act could even have hypothetically to improve the situation—a very discouraging scenario given that historically bills usually prove to be merely ideal in vision.
“The framers of the act accepted the belief of the Surgeon General’s Consultant Group on Nursing “that a feasible goal for 1970 is to increase the supply of professional nurses in practice to about 680,000,” and that “to meet this goal, schools of nursing must produce 53,000 graduates a year by 1969…” “According to the Consultant Group’s own estimates, however, even if these goals are attained, there will still be a shortage of approximately 170,000 nurses.”[23]
Yes, it was true, such an Act did not ultimately fulfill all of the United States medical needs and that is why, like other bills, the United States government continues to tweak national policy to better serve the public/meet interests. According to the Health Professions Educations Partnerships Act of 1998, from the 105th Congress Session 2, changes to the “Nurse Training Act of 1964” have been made.
Subsequent extensions of title VII programs began to focus Federal institutional and student
assistance on projects designed to encourage health care personnel to practice in medically
underserved shortage areas and increase the number of primary care providers. In particular, the
1992 reauthorization provided a preference for those programs which trained the greatest numbers
of individuals who enter practice in underserved areas. Similarly, the Nurse Training Act of 1964
originally authorized support to nursing schools and students to improve the supply of well trained
nurses through grants to institutions to strengthen and improve nurse education, and direct student
assistance through low interest loans and scholarships. As national nursing needs changed, the
programs of title VIII were modified to focus on the training of advanced practice nurses, such as
nurse practitioners, nurse midwives, and certified nurse anesthetists. [24]
Even though times continued to change, the tone was set for a need for nurses—anywhere they could be found in a situation of medical desperation. The United States responded by allowing immigrants more opportunities to arrive in America through nursing. One case study example involved the U.S. Department of Justice granting a visa petition based on the Immigration and Nationality Act (Matter of Guttierrez In Visa Petition Proceeding A-17653997) in 1967.
Since a nurse is a member of the professions within the meaning of section 101(a) (32) of the Immigration and Nationality Act, as amended, if she has been awarded a diploma or certificate signifying successful completion of a program for professional nurses conducted by an accredited hospital or independent school or has attained an associate or baccalaureate degree in nursing in a junior college, college or university, a visa petition is granted to accord preference classification under section 203 (a) (3) of the Act, as a professional nurse, to beneficiary who received a diploma upon the successful completion of a 3-year course of study at an accredited school of nursing in the Philippines.[25]*
But with one decision, the need did not end there, more opportunities for immigrant nurses were created and ultimately for Asian Indian Christian nurses. The Immigration Act of 1990 was another reform that would open the door a little farther. As the Act applied to “Employment-Based Immigrants”, in Sec. 121.:
(a) In General.—Section 203 (8 U.S.C. 1153) is amended by inserting after subsection (a), as inserted by section 111, the following new subsection:
“(b) Preference Allocation for Employment-Based Immigrants.—Aliens subject to the worldwide level specified in section 201 (d) for employment-based immigrants in a fiscal year shall be allotted visas as follows:”[26]
The first category listed (in descending priority) was “(1) Priority Workers”, followed by “(2) Aliens who are members of the professions holding advanced degrees or aliens of exceptional ability”, then “(3) Skilled workers, professionals, and other workers” (the class that nurses would fall under), then “(4) Certain special immigrants,” and finally “(5) Employment creation.”[27]
“(3) Skilled workers, professionals, and other workers.—
“(A) In general.—Visas shall be made available in a number not to exceed 40,000, plus any visas not required for the classes specified in paragraphs (1) and (2), to the following classes of aliens who are not described in paragraph (2):
“(i) Skilled workers.—Qualified immigrants who are capable, at the time of
petitioning for classification under this paragraph, of performing skilled labor
(requiring at least 2 years training or experience), not of a temporary or
seasonal nature, for which qualified workers are not available in the United States.
“(ii) Professionals.—Qualified immigrants who hold baccalaureate degrees and who are members of the professions.[28]
Essentially, through Sec. 121., the Immigration Act of 1990, allocated a special allotment of visas to immigrants that fit in the same category as that of nurses. But what brought over specifically Asian Indian Christian nurses is a good question. The following passage taken from Williams’ scholarly Cambridge book publication, “Christian Pluralism in America,” shed light on why he believed the phenomena existed. It must be noted that it was published in 1996 and is thus dated even in its theories, but it does shed light on the conditions for South Asian Indian American women in the career field.
Virtually all of the immigrant nurses from India are Christian because until very recently nursing occupied a very low social status in India… Cultural perceptions of pollution and purity discouraged Hindu families from allowing their daughters to enter nursing, and religious sensitivities regarding purdah kept Muslim women out of the profession. The perception that physicians mistreated the nurses added to the stigma. Until almost mid-century nursing was universally regarded menial work and many of the candidates were uneducated girls and widows. Those perceptions gradually broke down in the Christian community due to the influence of education and medical work of missionaries, and Christian young women entered.[29]
To compound the issue, when coming to America, Asian Indian Immigrants who wanted to assimilate faced the estimated statistic that 83.7% of the population claimed to be Christian-- according to the “Religion and Politics Survey, 1996”, commissioned by “The Pew Center for People and the Press” (“completed by the Princeton Survey Research Associates”).[30] Finally, in India, “as late as the Second World War it was estimated that 90 percent of all the nurses in the country, male and female, were Christians, and that 80 percent of these had been trained in missions hospitals.”[31]
With the factors of assimilation, job need, and training in India, it was no surprise that Asian Indian Christians came to the United States predominantly as nurses.
But even though nursing took the center stage at first as a career opportunity for Asian Indian immigrants, that did not mean it would not have to share the spotlight later as technology and need evolved.
Although missions made nursing a popular profession for women in India, that was not the case for men or even all women after even a brief period of time has passed. When interviewed, Sam ___, from the Indian International Church said, “I came as a computer programmer. I didn’t come to go to school. I came directly to go to work.”[32] Pastor Danesh Manik said that he came over on “computer assignment.” He said the main professions for South Asian Indian Americans are “computer people, doctors, professors, and students.”[33] And the wife of Sam interviewed, Supasan ____, said, “I came on spouse visa.”[34]
Keeping in mind its date of 1996, William’s Christian Pluralism stated the following:
The Christians are the only Asian-Indian group coming to America on the shoulders of women. Gender roles in immigration are reversed for Christians from India compared to those of other Asian-Indian immigrants. In most families of immigrants from India, a man with high educational and professional qualifications either studied in America or was offered a job in a business or a position as a physician in a residency program. … Among Indian Christians, however, women gain permanent resident status, earn the higher salary, provide for family security—especially was this the case during the economic recession in the mid-1980s when many husbands lost their jobs as factory workers and engineers—and now enjoy secure professional status.[35]
The different results of the statistics and aparent reality to those interviewed made me probe further in my interview questioning. When asked about the Nursing shortage and its relevance to Asian Indian Christian women, Pastor Danesh Manik responded with the following:
It’s true. In the past this has happened where nurses have come to salvation—especially from
Indian because they know English. In fact, that trend is beginning again. It is very easy in fact in
the immigration rules if you go and do nursing you can directly get a green card of permanent
residence in the U.S.—short-circuiting the labor certification.
Whenever someone comes abroad to the U.S. on a job basis they have to prove they didn’t take
away labor from the U.S. To prove that it’s a complicated process. Whereas in nursing there’s
such a labor shortage that they know they don’t have to do the labor certification process. So they
can get their permanent residency fairly quickly.
If it takes four to five years for the other people, it only takes a couple of years for the nurse.
1. The nursing area is mostly women.
2. In India, I don’t know if I ever knew a man Indian nurse.
The Indian women have an advantage. Quite a huge percentage of computer people coming over are women. This puts women at an advantage.[36]
I followed up by asking more questions.
1. Does it make men feel self-conscious if the women are in a better job position?
“That doesn’t cause much hassle as far as I know,” he replied.[37]
2. What about women coming over nurses and the men are skilled but are not landing jobs? Does that produce weird family dynamics?
That can happen, the women who come here and get jobs well paid. Go back home to get married. Man has difficulty finding job. Big issue in India. That’s what I think the author is talking about. Now nursing shortage is even more acute but disparity between men and women continues to decrease. I think we’ve progressed quite a bit. Not going to become that big of a deal.[38]
When I asked Sam ____ and Supasani ___ if there is any difference in how hard it is for an Asian Indian male to get a job than a female, they both said there was no difference. “No, as far as getting a job is concerned, I don’t see any difference. If you have the right skills and experience, I think it doesn’t matter,” was Sam ___’s reply.[39] Supasani ____ said, “There is equal availability of job if man or woman as long as you meet the job requirement.”[40]
As far as what careers are open to Asian Indian Christian Americans, the computer industry has been an expanding field since the Cambridge book was published in 1996. Although Pastor Danesh Manik mentioned a reviving need for nurses, as mentioned in the interviews, some come over by computer jobs. Actually, according to Pastor Danesh Manik, the top professions currently for Asian Indian immigrants seem to be “computer people, doctors, professors, and students.”[41]
As these professions in America continue to evolve as society and technology changes, according to an article there is even a booming level of professional Asian Indian immigrants coming over (not just limited to the United States in this article but Western culture in general).
With India being seen as a virtual treasure of skilled workers, especially in the computer industry, international firms have gone a – recruiting there as never before. If you have the right training and experience the job is yours. It’s that simple. Or is it? Your employer expects you to be in your office in London or San Jose or Frankfurt in a few weeks, functional, acculturated and fully conversant with office etiquette.[42]
In terms of Asian Indian culture, dress codes and behavior towards the opposite sex must be taken into considerations for these immigrants.
They are educated on dress codes—formal and casual. Office protocols (your secretary will not get your coffee and please make your own photocopies); body language (look at a person straight in the eye when talking, shake hands firmly); report writing (yes, you have to complete a progress report every week, so spiff up using those action verbs); and gender conventions (don’t stare at cleavages or at exposed legs) are stressed.[43]
These considerations might suggest that even the top professionals still struggle from their cultural upbringing (currently changing) that downgraded women. “The Western Culture and Etiquette” was born when the demand for skilled workers overseas reached a peak last year.”[44]
Dealing with a new semi-feminist culture and job availability in the U.S. is an adjustment for Asian Indian Christian immigrant women, but determining its difficulty is a complicated matter. There are issues of denominational stance on gender issues, changes already taking place in India that make gender conditions at least closer to conditions in the United States, and new job opportunities opening for both men and women alike that even the playing field in an rapidly changing global society. Does Christianity smooth the transition? To some Asian Indian Christian women yes, but to those with doctrinal beliefs or backgrounds radical to the United States, their situation cannot be defined so easily. In essence, each experience for every Asian Indian Christian American woman is unique.
[1] Pastor Danesh Manik. Interview by Daniel Arnold. 24 November 2004.
[2] Rao, Shakuntala. “Indian Nationalism.” Women’s Studies International Forum 22, no.1 (1999):320.
[3] Rao, Shakuntala. “Indian Nationalism.” Women’s Studies International Forum 22, no.1 (1999):321.
[4] Sircar, Arpana. Work Roles, Gender Roles and Asian Indian Immigrant Workers in the United States.
The Edwin Mellen Press: Lewiston 2000. viii.
[5] Sharma, Radhika. “Should I Stay or Should I Go? The gender barrier to re-migration.” India Currents 17, no. 6 (2003): 12.
[6] Pastor Danesh Manik. Interview by Daniel Arnold. 24 November 2004.
[7] Sam _____. Interview by Daniel Arnold. 17 November 2004.
[8] Alumkal, Anthony W. Asian Evangelical Churches. New Yrok: LFB Scholarly Publishing LLC, 2003.
151.
[9] Ibid. 150.
[10]Ibid. 149.
[11] Supasani _____. Interview by Daniel Arnold. 17 November 2004.
* In the next interview with Pastor Danesh Manik, denominations will be discussed where I specifically inquired about denominational positions on women preaching.
[12] Ibid.
[13] Pastor Danesh Manik. Interview by Daniel Arnold. 24 November 2004.
[14] Ibid.
[15] Ibid.
[16] Ibid.
[17] Chan, Sucheng. Asian Americans: An Interpretive Story. New York: Twayne Publishers, 1991. xvi.
[18] Pastor Danesh Manik. (Informal) Interview by Daniel Arnold. September 2004.
[19] Pastor Danesh Manik. Interview by Daniel Arnold. 24 November 2004.
[20] Pastor Danesh Manik. Interview by Daniel Arnold. 24 November 2004.
[21] Williams, Raymond Brady. Christian Pluralism in the United States. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1996. 16.
* This survey was “primarily taken” “at the annual family conferences of seven churches.”
[22]Yett, Donald E. “The Nursing Shortage and the Nurse Training Act of 1964.” Industrial and Labor Rel.
Rev. 19 (1965-1966): 191.
[23] Ibid.
[24] US. United States Congress. Health Professions Education Partnerships Act of 1998: conference report. United States 105th Congress 2nd Session. U.S. G.P.O., 1998. http://frwebgate.access.gpo.gov/cgi-bin/getdoc.cgi?dbname=105_cong_reports&docid=f:sr220.105.pdf
[25] US. Department of Justice. Administrative Decisions under Immigration and Nationality Laws: Matter of Gutierrez: In Visa Petition Proceedings A-17653997. Continuing vols. 12. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1947-.
* “Decided by District Director July 5, 1967.”
[26] US. United Sates Congress. Immigration Act of 1990: conference report. United States 101st Congress 2nd Session. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1990.
[27] Ibid.
[28] Ibid.
[29] Williams, Raymond Brady. Christian Pluralism in the United States. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1996. 16.
[30] “Religion and Politics Survey, 1996.” The Pew Center for People and the Press. [American Religious Data Archive]. http://www.arda.tm/ [cited 14 December 2004].
[31] Ibid. 16-17.
[32] Sam ___. Interview by Daniel Arnold. 17 November 2004.
[33] Pastor Danesh Manik. Interview by Daniel Arnold. 24 November 2004.
[34] Supasani ____. Interview by Daniel Arnold. 2004.
[35] Williams, Raymond Brady. Christian Pluralism in the United States. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1996. 18.
[36] Pastor Danesh Manik. Interview by Daniel Arnold. 24 November 2004.
[37] Ibid.
[38] Ibid.
[39] Sam ___. Interview by Daniel Arnold. 17 November 2004.
[40] Supasani ____. Interview by Daniel Arnold. 2004.
[41] Pastor Danesh Manik. Interview by Daniel Arnold. 24 November 2004.
[42] Hiatt, Shobha. “Global Adjustments: Transitions made easy.” India Currents. 15, no. 10 (2001): 43.
[43] Ibid.
[44] Ibid.
By Daniel Arnold
PPPFUA Admin.
Women in the South Asian American Church (1964- Present)
PPPFUA -
The Gender Implication: Women in the South Asian American Church (1964- Present)
By Daniel Arnold
Michigan State University
12/14/04
In America, it is not difficult to live under the assumption that all United States citizens and legal residents have the same views regarding the gender roles they are given in society. Attitudes towards gender roles and stereotypes have become a source of contention throughout the nation since its birth. But before drawing any conclusion on the views of women in the United States, factors such as cultural and religious heritage must be taken into account. In this study, Christian American women from South Asia are considered based on their adjustment to these roles from homeland and the application of the unique set of values in place within the South Asian American Church setting.
To examine the impact of this adjustment on South Asian American Christian women, much more than the attitude of a single church must be looked at. These factors include the attitudes of other individual denominations in their social and doctrinal practices, the evolution of feminism globally, and the initial immigration experience itself (with the component of tradition).
A key component to the initial experience for many South Asian Christian immigrant women was the welcoming of nurses to the United States to meet needs of a nursing shortage—which came along with the reforming of immigration policy in the late 20th Century. But the role this single component played on the female gender in their immigrant experience is up to the discretion of source inquired as it changes with time.
This study reveals the complexity of the adjustment of South Asian American Christian women to a new culture in United States while carrying along a patriarchal value system within their homeland culture and in most brands of the Christian faith.
Explanation behind the South Asian American immigration experience for Christian women does not begin with today’s news—nor does feminism. Nor does a single governmental Act set the ball rolling, but rather the product of many factors present as well as past—evolving on a national as well as international scale. Along with that, the complexity of which church or scholar, in which denomination, in what region, paints a historical and present view of reality that can only attempt to bring the issue of gender adjustment to light in a way that captures the experience of South Asian American Christian women as a whole.
A major source of studying of South Asian American Christian women was conducted by interviewing members of a particular church—the Indian International Church. Pastor Danesh Manik, in an interview conducted on the 24th of November, 2004, laid out aims for the Indian International Church and compared it to other Indian Churches:
They key difference with this church is that it really is not different from any American Church.
The differences that you would find in this Indian Church are (1) that we are gearing ourselves
towards Indian community. What we are trying to do is establish a platform so that we are able to
connect with the Indian community. Most Indians if they came and heard there was an Indian
Church they are more eager and apt to come. Whereas regular church probably would not go
there.
To us the aim is to evangelize the Indian Community. Therefore, we need a platform and this
seems t o be one of the platforms where we can get people to come by saying this is an Indian
Church. The only thing Indian about it is the pastor is Indian, most of the congregation is Indian,
and we gear our message and whole philosophies to reach the Indians. Often the messages are
simple. The key is to assume that nobody out there knows the Bible. Just like when I first came
to the church I didn’t understand any message because I had absolutely no idea how the Bible was
constructed even.
It’s geared towards Indian community but not necessarily in the sense of Indian services where we
are speaking a different language or we are very much similar to any service you would walk into
in an American Church.
To me one of the platforms to reach the Indian community… My aim was we have to get to the
Indian Community somehow. Indians in general have a feeling that religious places are religious
and they would go there even if they really didn’t quite believe the same way. So that’s the same
way I went to church—out of curiosity. It’s a religious place so you’ll notice that even though we
don’t have as many people we are meeting in the sanctuary. Sanctuary by default in the Indian
mind is a holy place and they are more apt to listen.
We are gearing everything from the Indian minds, the Indian viewpoint—not necessarily language or anything else. Thinking about what an Indian would think and how to present this message to them.[1]
This background sets the Indian International apart as one of many unique churches within the classification of South Asian Indian American Churches that women must adjust to.
Although times are changing globally and nationally, cultural adjustment for immigrants based upon gender roles has been largely affected by the disparity of gender rights in India versus the United States. As many Americans know, women did not always enjoy the level of gender equality they experience today in the United States—as voting rights were not even given to women until the 20th Century, but they have made headway at a much quicker rate then India. According to Rao of the Women’s Studies International Forum, it was not until the “1955 Hindu Marriage Act” and the ”1956 Hindu Succession Act” led by Nehru that by law Hindu women were allowed “to inherit property and seek divorce or separation from their husbands.”[2] Despite legislation against amniocentesis (sex-determination tests for the unborn), amniocentesis tests point to another Indian cultural example of gender inequality that is behind in its evolution process. Rao cites, “As Sarkar and Butalia point out, since the introduction of this technology in the early 1980s, the number of abortion have quadrupled and 99% of the abortions take place when the fetus is suspected to be female (to avoid large dowries down the road).”[3] These statistics and legislation scratch the surface of the reality of an India that has further headway to make in the area of gender equality.
Arpana Sircar, author of “Work Roles, Gender Roles and Asian Indian Immigrant Women in the United,” provides a shocking case study example through her own observations as a child:
The awareness of the gender underpinnings of the interaction unfolding before me, however, goes
back a long way to my years in Calcutta when I helplessly watched an oppressive system in
operation, without knowing why it was so. I watched nine-month pregnant mothers cook
elaborate midday meals for their extended families and then wait to have their food til every body
else had polished off the choicest morsels leaving them hardly any, and I wondered why. I
watched a neighbor’s alcoholic chauffeur routinely beat his emaciated wife and pre-teen daughter
while the teenage son standing close by was never touched and nobody in the neighborhood
intervened, and I wondered why. More than once on my way to school, I saw newborn baby girls
abandoned in roadside dustbins, never baby boys, and wondered why.[4]
With these types of oppression of women in place in India—at least in the recent past. It would seem that a woman’s adjustment to America would be easy. However, taking into account a desire to preserve tradition and religious beliefs adopted by Indian women, that hypothesis can quickly prove to be shortsighted.
In matters of adjustment from India tradition to American culture for any South Asian Indian women coming over to America, views can vary on the difficulty. Radhika Sharma, a writer in India Currents, talks about how she feels that the difficulty of women’s adjustment is different from men’s. While this source does not appear scholarly, it does present a person’s raw feelings:
I look at the upbeat, magnanimous stories telling me, and my tiny sub-group, the Indian-American
woman, that we have the best of both worlds—values and freedom—and wonder why each time
such stories evoke a strong visceral reaction in me. Just like the generic “curry” conveys an
incomplete picture, staying on restaurant menus for want of a better adjective, similarly, the part-
fact, part-myth persona of the well-adjusted immigrant woman endures dues to the lack of a
deeper discussion of their core struggles. My gentlemen friends and acquaintances tell me, “Come
on, it’s just as hard for us.” Yes, my friends, it may be hard for you. But the operative phrase is
“just as.” What softens the blow of men’s relocation is the presence of a reason, however transient
that might have been.[5]
Now the question remains, why would I throw this outpouring of complex emotion into the study when many scholarly resources are at hand, job availability for women will be mentioned in the area of nursing, and the woman here is not necessarily a Christian herself? Realistically speaking, the adjustment of South Asian American women to American culture is complex. Having a career does not complete a woman’s emotions, traditions, and community ties. As in this case, some women may feel no reason to go overseas, but they must follow their husbands.
Perhaps one of the most difficult aspects of India for immigrant women to give up is the strong sense of community built throughout their lives in their homeland. Pastor Danesh of the Indian International Church in Okemos, Michigan, noticed the need to address this in reaching out to the South Asian Indian American Christian Church body.
Community is absolutely essential to the Indians. I think that Indian key characteristics are that
they are a group culture—not an individualistic culture. They are a culture that values community.
One of the things you’ll hear Indians say they miss in America is the casualness of getting together
of friends. In India, we don’t call and say, “Can I come over?” We just show up in friends’ and
families’ places. That community is constant community is missing.
The Church really needs to address the needs of the community. I don’t think we are doing an
excellent job at that. We are doing ok. I think we should probably be more community driven.
There is a little bit of a difference. Indians who settle in America become more American,
become more individualistic. Eventually, they kind of assimilate. They are no longer as
community driven as the Indians in India are. So we are kind of a medium balance. What we do
have is therefore we always after for a fellowship time and food. Because that’s our key
community time where we can just relax and get to know each other. It’s essential for the Indian
community.
The other kinds of things we do are calling each other and getting together. Even the Bible studies
on Friday nights. We try to dismiss the idea of having food afterwards but the culture is such that
wherever they go, they’ll have snacks afterwards in fellowship time. A community just happens
most of the time anyways.[6]
Yet, which gender the pressures of this adjustment fall on is hard to calculate. It is possible that a man might feel more comfortable coming over alone than a female, but as a family unit would he feel more pressured to meet all the needs as the “head of the house” in Christian society than a female? When asked about what was the scariest about coming over to America, a man named Sam _____ , from the Indian International Church replied, “I was not scared coming over as not married. I was not scared of much of anything. Not scared by the cultural gap, a little bit worried. How do I get adjusted to new people and culture, no family or friends? But it would’ve been scarier if I came with family.”[7]
A question in the reader’s mind may be what are the attitudes towards males being the “head of the house” (or church) in society from India to the United States. It cannot just be assumed to be the same. Particularly for one classification of Christians, “Of great concern for evangelicals is the principle of male headship in the family.”[8] (The page goes on to describe this headship in the context of “servant leaders,” the debating that exists with evangelical circles regarding this issue, and widespread opposition to women as clergy.) Although these views do seem straightforward enough a bit of generational difference plays into the protests that do exist from Asian Americans with patriarchal attitudes. In other words, the second generation may take on a different view than first generation immigrants. For example, “A marriage between a Korean American woman and a man from Korea, is very problematic because the Americanized bride cannot accept the male chauvinism of the groom from Korea,” according to Pyong Gap Min’s essay quoted by Alumkal’s “Asian American Evangelical Churches.”[9] In general, Alumkal claimed that for Asian Americans he noticed “second-generation Asian Americans were maintaining beliefs in gender hierarchy but articulating these beliefs in language consistent with evangelical discourse.”[10]
But even though those interviewed at the Indian International Church were all first-generation immigrants and not second-generation, they seemed to in general (from the study conducted) follow the same pattern that Alumkal described—calling into question whether their length of stay in America—long enough to raise children—caused them to adapt more like second-generation Asian Americans who had lived in the United States all their life. Supasani _____ began discussing her views on female roles in the church by talking about the significance of having people sit apart in the church.
Mostly because of respect. Old Testament women would cover their head. They would not talk in
church. They would sit there in a different pew and be more submissive during the service. Only men would preach the Word of God. Women don’t take the responsibilities. It’s more of a respect for God.[11]
This is an example of gender hierarchy articulated through beliefs.
Even I grew up like that. When I was small, I went to a church like that. Now things have
changed maybe in the last five or ten years. Times have changed so much. Women are allowed to
start taking part. Hair given covering for women. If you cut your hair it’s a disgrace. What the
Bible says: If you have long hair cover head. Covering head shows submission to God.
(As far as change in leadership roles between men and women in Churches from India to
America), in U.S., it must have started long ago. It doesn’t seem unordinary to see women
preaching or leading worship. But in India you’ll rarely find women preaching. But in the last
five to ten years you do see some women preaching. But it takes a lot of courage to come forward
and stand and preach. Because mostly the culture is male dominated.*
Even the Bible says the wife should be submissive to the husband. A lot of times I viewed that if
a woman talks in the front, what will the other people think? What does this lady think? Is she
greater than the man? That’s how people view. It’s not so freely accepted. They aren’t really
cynical, but they are negative about it.
There is discomfort if leading it, a lot of criticism even if God is leading. It takes a lot of courage.
After the last ten years, slowly things are changing. Women are saying they need equal rights.[12]
The talk of drastic changing in gender roles in India over the last five to ten years is very specific and is restated in Pastor Danesh Manik’s explanation of how cultural traditions specific to female gender roles are changing as a whole and for specifically the Indian International Church.
There are many cultural things that are different and do impact our church. One big dynamic is
that India itself is changing the gender roles are no longer the same as they were even ten years
ago. The work force women are doing things that only men used to do. They have come a long
ways. Their rules are not really different anymore except the new generation get older and they
take over. And you find less differences between India and America.
The second dynamic that plays in cultural traditions is that the Indians that come to America
become less focused with the cultural traditions so there’s a diminishing of the cultural impact.
Although there remains a cultural impact especially for the older Indian people who come to the
church and in even the Indian International Church. And our church is much less culturally
driven. Indian women will put coverings on their heads. That’s a natural thing for Indians.
Other churches I’ve preached at they take their shoes off. They wouldn’t wear any shoes in the
church. It’s a very prevalent thing, but in our church it isn’t, but we don’t mind it if people did it.
It’s in the Old Testament too. So that’s a cultural tradition.[13]
(I noticed in attending this church, though not necessarily for other South Asian Indian Churches, that cultural traditions in clothing and seating are welcomed, accepted, and not discussed.) Other churches were discussed through the rest of Pastor Danesh Manik’s answer to this question.
In other Indian Churches, some very strict old style church you will notice that the women will sit on one side and the men on the other. There is no husband and wife sitting next to each other. Now that doesn’t happen at our church.
In some other Indian Churches you’ll notice that… Yes, in America too, especially in the Indian Pentecostal Church. They are very strict about gender roles it that you’d see the differences. Again, in Indian Churches, you’d see less women in leadership.[14]
From my observations with different American denominations, I was shocked at the statement that the Indian Pentecostal Church is strict about gender. Within the Greater Lansing region (including Okemos), I have personally known of two female Pentecostal pastors—one Asian Indian woman and a white woman who I heard regularly preach. (They are ministers as part of the Michigan State University Pentecostal Christian Fellowship group called ”Chi Alpha.”) This stark contrast from what I knew of the Pentecostal denomination as a whole and did not know of the Indian Pentecostal Church, raised question in the study. To my inquiry, Pastor Danesh Manik replied:
In India, they do have some (female pastors), but mostly men. In America you might see some more, but I don’t think that it is dramatically different.[15]
Pastor Danesh ended his discussion of cultural differences with a discussion on other denominations and how their influence has carried to the United States.
The Indian Catholic Church is very different than the Catholic Church here. There’s a lot of Hindu influence on the Catholic Church. And what they do is not much different from what a Hindu would do in worship. The Catholic Church is one of the mainstream churches in India.[16]
I gained insight into the Hindu culture’s major role in all of Indian culture simply by my confusion over the classification of groups within Sucheng Chan’s book, “Asian Americans: An Interpretive story.” Within the introduction, she states, “But people from India have also been known as East Indians, Hindus, and Hindustanis.”[17] Pastor Danesh Manik would clarify that the Hindu religion was not accepted necessarily by everyone taking on the identity of a Hindu, but rather so “encrusted into Indian culture” that they take on the name.[18] Such a concept is important in understanding Pastor Danesh Manik’s earlier statements about the role of drawing Asian Indians to a sanctuary as a general holy place—on account of the Hindu appeal to general religiosity.
In his concluding statements about denominational differences, Pastor Danesh reflected back on the Pentecostal Indian Church, back on the churches in India, and other denominations. “Pentecostal Indian Church is very strict and rigid on its rules. That’s the current flavor you’ll find in India. And other denominations are most similar to American Protestant Churches.”[19]
Looking at observations on denominational stances made by Pastor Danesh Manik and on gender roles in church made by Supasani, it was shocking to see the Indian cultural influence change strict denominational rules about gender that most American Churches value highly—either to be conforming or to have no such rule. However, statements made by these interviews can only be valued up to the experience of the individual and their studies. Although it would seem that from these interviews one could gather that the South Asian Americans stand behind Scripture and this makes their views sound, whether or not stated explicitly, these denominations seem to make statements and quote specific verses consistent with Alumkal’s view (in his view specifically about gender hierarchy) that they “articulate views in language consistent with evangelical discourse.” Though not necessarily the case with the Indian International Church, basically, with a virtually limitless supply of Biblical content, it would seem possible for any denomination to either use verses in context or out of context to shape the very Word of God to defend what individual groups believe or wish to believe. This leaves the complicated situation of denominational differences and cultural tradition in the hands of Asian Indian immigrants in a large country with many denominational choices. In response to a question about why Asian Indian Churches in America are very small (average size of twenty members), Pastor Danesh explained that “only 2% of Indians from India are Christian to begin with” and that “many assimilate with the American Church.”[20]
For any immigrant to come over to America, let alone become assimilated, they had to acquire a visa or citizenship during this period (1964- present). A key way to do this was family sponsorship or by coming over with a desirable occupational skill that the United States had a need for. For Christian women in India, nursing fit this bill. According to “a 1993 survey completed by 678 Indian Christians in the United States, 182 of the 256 identified as women listed nursing as their occupation.”[21]*
What drove nurses to the United States was a phenomena of need that started well before 1993. It would prove to be influential in the altering of immigration policy in America. An article, “The Nursing Shortage and the Nurse Training Act of 1964,” sketched out the nursing needs present at the time evident by the development of such an Act.
“This bill initiated a five year $287,630,000 program designed to increase nursing school graduates by 75 percent by 1970” through “construction”, “grants” for students and for upgrading “quality”, “for low-interest, partially forgivable student loans, and for the program’s administration.”[22]
Yett’s article clearly outlined the following needs and goals—including the limitations the Act could even have hypothetically to improve the situation—a very discouraging scenario given that historically bills usually prove to be merely ideal in vision.
“The framers of the act accepted the belief of the Surgeon General’s Consultant Group on Nursing “that a feasible goal for 1970 is to increase the supply of professional nurses in practice to about 680,000,” and that “to meet this goal, schools of nursing must produce 53,000 graduates a year by 1969…” “According to the Consultant Group’s own estimates, however, even if these goals are attained, there will still be a shortage of approximately 170,000 nurses.”[23]
Yes, it was true, such an Act did not ultimately fulfill all of the United States medical needs and that is why, like other bills, the United States government continues to tweak national policy to better serve the public/meet interests. According to the Health Professions Educations Partnerships Act of 1998, from the 105th Congress Session 2, changes to the “Nurse Training Act of 1964” have been made.
Subsequent extensions of title VII programs began to focus Federal institutional and student
assistance on projects designed to encourage health care personnel to practice in medically
underserved shortage areas and increase the number of primary care providers. In particular, the
1992 reauthorization provided a preference for those programs which trained the greatest numbers
of individuals who enter practice in underserved areas. Similarly, the Nurse Training Act of 1964
originally authorized support to nursing schools and students to improve the supply of well trained
nurses through grants to institutions to strengthen and improve nurse education, and direct student
assistance through low interest loans and scholarships. As national nursing needs changed, the
programs of title VIII were modified to focus on the training of advanced practice nurses, such as
nurse practitioners, nurse midwives, and certified nurse anesthetists. [24]
Even though times continued to change, the tone was set for a need for nurses—anywhere they could be found in a situation of medical desperation. The United States responded by allowing immigrants more opportunities to arrive in America through nursing. One case study example involved the U.S. Department of Justice granting a visa petition based on the Immigration and Nationality Act (Matter of Guttierrez In Visa Petition Proceeding A-17653997) in 1967.
Since a nurse is a member of the professions within the meaning of section 101(a) (32) of the Immigration and Nationality Act, as amended, if she has been awarded a diploma or certificate signifying successful completion of a program for professional nurses conducted by an accredited hospital or independent school or has attained an associate or baccalaureate degree in nursing in a junior college, college or university, a visa petition is granted to accord preference classification under section 203 (a) (3) of the Act, as a professional nurse, to beneficiary who received a diploma upon the successful completion of a 3-year course of study at an accredited school of nursing in the Philippines.[25]*
But with one decision, the need did not end there, more opportunities for immigrant nurses were created and ultimately for Asian Indian Christian nurses. The Immigration Act of 1990 was another reform that would open the door a little farther. As the Act applied to “Employment-Based Immigrants”, in Sec. 121.:
(a) In General.—Section 203 (8 U.S.C. 1153) is amended by inserting after subsection (a), as inserted by section 111, the following new subsection:
“(b) Preference Allocation for Employment-Based Immigrants.—Aliens subject to the worldwide level specified in section 201 (d) for employment-based immigrants in a fiscal year shall be allotted visas as follows:”[26]
The first category listed (in descending priority) was “(1) Priority Workers”, followed by “(2) Aliens who are members of the professions holding advanced degrees or aliens of exceptional ability”, then “(3) Skilled workers, professionals, and other workers” (the class that nurses would fall under), then “(4) Certain special immigrants,” and finally “(5) Employment creation.”[27]
“(3) Skilled workers, professionals, and other workers.—
“(A) In general.—Visas shall be made available in a number not to exceed 40,000, plus any visas not required for the classes specified in paragraphs (1) and (2), to the following classes of aliens who are not described in paragraph (2):
“(i) Skilled workers.—Qualified immigrants who are capable, at the time of
petitioning for classification under this paragraph, of performing skilled labor
(requiring at least 2 years training or experience), not of a temporary or
seasonal nature, for which qualified workers are not available in the United States.
“(ii) Professionals.—Qualified immigrants who hold baccalaureate degrees and who are members of the professions.[28]
Essentially, through Sec. 121., the Immigration Act of 1990, allocated a special allotment of visas to immigrants that fit in the same category as that of nurses. But what brought over specifically Asian Indian Christian nurses is a good question. The following passage taken from Williams’ scholarly Cambridge book publication, “Christian Pluralism in America,” shed light on why he believed the phenomena existed. It must be noted that it was published in 1996 and is thus dated even in its theories, but it does shed light on the conditions for South Asian Indian American women in the career field.
Virtually all of the immigrant nurses from India are Christian because until very recently nursing occupied a very low social status in India… Cultural perceptions of pollution and purity discouraged Hindu families from allowing their daughters to enter nursing, and religious sensitivities regarding purdah kept Muslim women out of the profession. The perception that physicians mistreated the nurses added to the stigma. Until almost mid-century nursing was universally regarded menial work and many of the candidates were uneducated girls and widows. Those perceptions gradually broke down in the Christian community due to the influence of education and medical work of missionaries, and Christian young women entered.[29]
To compound the issue, when coming to America, Asian Indian Immigrants who wanted to assimilate faced the estimated statistic that 83.7% of the population claimed to be Christian-- according to the “Religion and Politics Survey, 1996”, commissioned by “The Pew Center for People and the Press” (“completed by the Princeton Survey Research Associates”).[30] Finally, in India, “as late as the Second World War it was estimated that 90 percent of all the nurses in the country, male and female, were Christians, and that 80 percent of these had been trained in missions hospitals.”[31]
With the factors of assimilation, job need, and training in India, it was no surprise that Asian Indian Christians came to the United States predominantly as nurses.
But even though nursing took the center stage at first as a career opportunity for Asian Indian immigrants, that did not mean it would not have to share the spotlight later as technology and need evolved.
Although missions made nursing a popular profession for women in India, that was not the case for men or even all women after even a brief period of time has passed. When interviewed, Sam ___, from the Indian International Church said, “I came as a computer programmer. I didn’t come to go to school. I came directly to go to work.”[32] Pastor Danesh Manik said that he came over on “computer assignment.” He said the main professions for South Asian Indian Americans are “computer people, doctors, professors, and students.”[33] And the wife of Sam interviewed, Supasan ____, said, “I came on spouse visa.”[34]
Keeping in mind its date of 1996, William’s Christian Pluralism stated the following:
The Christians are the only Asian-Indian group coming to America on the shoulders of women. Gender roles in immigration are reversed for Christians from India compared to those of other Asian-Indian immigrants. In most families of immigrants from India, a man with high educational and professional qualifications either studied in America or was offered a job in a business or a position as a physician in a residency program. … Among Indian Christians, however, women gain permanent resident status, earn the higher salary, provide for family security—especially was this the case during the economic recession in the mid-1980s when many husbands lost their jobs as factory workers and engineers—and now enjoy secure professional status.[35]
The different results of the statistics and aparent reality to those interviewed made me probe further in my interview questioning. When asked about the Nursing shortage and its relevance to Asian Indian Christian women, Pastor Danesh Manik responded with the following:
It’s true. In the past this has happened where nurses have come to salvation—especially from
Indian because they know English. In fact, that trend is beginning again. It is very easy in fact in
the immigration rules if you go and do nursing you can directly get a green card of permanent
residence in the U.S.—short-circuiting the labor certification.
Whenever someone comes abroad to the U.S. on a job basis they have to prove they didn’t take
away labor from the U.S. To prove that it’s a complicated process. Whereas in nursing there’s
such a labor shortage that they know they don’t have to do the labor certification process. So they
can get their permanent residency fairly quickly.
If it takes four to five years for the other people, it only takes a couple of years for the nurse.
1. The nursing area is mostly women.
2. In India, I don’t know if I ever knew a man Indian nurse.
The Indian women have an advantage. Quite a huge percentage of computer people coming over are women. This puts women at an advantage.[36]
I followed up by asking more questions.
1. Does it make men feel self-conscious if the women are in a better job position?
“That doesn’t cause much hassle as far as I know,” he replied.[37]
2. What about women coming over nurses and the men are skilled but are not landing jobs? Does that produce weird family dynamics?
That can happen, the women who come here and get jobs well paid. Go back home to get married. Man has difficulty finding job. Big issue in India. That’s what I think the author is talking about. Now nursing shortage is even more acute but disparity between men and women continues to decrease. I think we’ve progressed quite a bit. Not going to become that big of a deal.[38]
When I asked Sam ____ and Supasani ___ if there is any difference in how hard it is for an Asian Indian male to get a job than a female, they both said there was no difference. “No, as far as getting a job is concerned, I don’t see any difference. If you have the right skills and experience, I think it doesn’t matter,” was Sam ___’s reply.[39] Supasani ____ said, “There is equal availability of job if man or woman as long as you meet the job requirement.”[40]
As far as what careers are open to Asian Indian Christian Americans, the computer industry has been an expanding field since the Cambridge book was published in 1996. Although Pastor Danesh Manik mentioned a reviving need for nurses, as mentioned in the interviews, some come over by computer jobs. Actually, according to Pastor Danesh Manik, the top professions currently for Asian Indian immigrants seem to be “computer people, doctors, professors, and students.”[41]
As these professions in America continue to evolve as society and technology changes, according to an article there is even a booming level of professional Asian Indian immigrants coming over (not just limited to the United States in this article but Western culture in general).
With India being seen as a virtual treasure of skilled workers, especially in the computer industry, international firms have gone a – recruiting there as never before. If you have the right training and experience the job is yours. It’s that simple. Or is it? Your employer expects you to be in your office in London or San Jose or Frankfurt in a few weeks, functional, acculturated and fully conversant with office etiquette.[42]
In terms of Asian Indian culture, dress codes and behavior towards the opposite sex must be taken into considerations for these immigrants.
They are educated on dress codes—formal and casual. Office protocols (your secretary will not get your coffee and please make your own photocopies); body language (look at a person straight in the eye when talking, shake hands firmly); report writing (yes, you have to complete a progress report every week, so spiff up using those action verbs); and gender conventions (don’t stare at cleavages or at exposed legs) are stressed.[43]
These considerations might suggest that even the top professionals still struggle from their cultural upbringing (currently changing) that downgraded women. “The Western Culture and Etiquette” was born when the demand for skilled workers overseas reached a peak last year.”[44]
Dealing with a new semi-feminist culture and job availability in the U.S. is an adjustment for Asian Indian Christian immigrant women, but determining its difficulty is a complicated matter. There are issues of denominational stance on gender issues, changes already taking place in India that make gender conditions at least closer to conditions in the United States, and new job opportunities opening for both men and women alike that even the playing field in an rapidly changing global society. Does Christianity smooth the transition? To some Asian Indian Christian women yes, but to those with doctrinal beliefs or backgrounds radical to the United States, their situation cannot be defined so easily. In essence, each experience for every Asian Indian Christian American woman is unique.
[1] Pastor Danesh Manik. Interview by Daniel Arnold. 24 November 2004.
[2] Rao, Shakuntala. “Indian Nationalism.” Women’s Studies International Forum 22, no.1 (1999):320.
[3] Rao, Shakuntala. “Indian Nationalism.” Women’s Studies International Forum 22, no.1 (1999):321.
[4] Sircar, Arpana. Work Roles, Gender Roles and Asian Indian Immigrant Workers in the United States.
The Edwin Mellen Press: Lewiston 2000. viii.
[5] Sharma, Radhika. “Should I Stay or Should I Go? The gender barrier to re-migration.” India Currents 17, no. 6 (2003): 12.
[6] Pastor Danesh Manik. Interview by Daniel Arnold. 24 November 2004.
[7] Sam _____. Interview by Daniel Arnold. 17 November 2004.
[8] Alumkal, Anthony W. Asian Evangelical Churches. New Yrok: LFB Scholarly Publishing LLC, 2003.
151.
[9] Ibid. 150.
[10]Ibid. 149.
[11] Supasani _____. Interview by Daniel Arnold. 17 November 2004.
* In the next interview with Pastor Danesh Manik, denominations will be discussed where I specifically inquired about denominational positions on women preaching.
[12] Ibid.
[13] Pastor Danesh Manik. Interview by Daniel Arnold. 24 November 2004.
[14] Ibid.
[15] Ibid.
[16] Ibid.
[17] Chan, Sucheng. Asian Americans: An Interpretive Story. New York: Twayne Publishers, 1991. xvi.
[18] Pastor Danesh Manik. (Informal) Interview by Daniel Arnold. September 2004.
[19] Pastor Danesh Manik. Interview by Daniel Arnold. 24 November 2004.
[20] Pastor Danesh Manik. Interview by Daniel Arnold. 24 November 2004.
[21] Williams, Raymond Brady. Christian Pluralism in the United States. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1996. 16.
* This survey was “primarily taken” “at the annual family conferences of seven churches.”
[22]Yett, Donald E. “The Nursing Shortage and the Nurse Training Act of 1964.” Industrial and Labor Rel.
Rev. 19 (1965-1966): 191.
[23] Ibid.
[24] US. United States Congress. Health Professions Education Partnerships Act of 1998: conference report. United States 105th Congress 2nd Session. U.S. G.P.O., 1998. http://frwebgate.access.gpo.gov/cgi-bin/getdoc.cgi?dbname=105_cong_reports&docid=f:sr220.105.pdf
[25] US. Department of Justice. Administrative Decisions under Immigration and Nationality Laws: Matter of Gutierrez: In Visa Petition Proceedings A-17653997. Continuing vols. 12. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1947-.
* “Decided by District Director July 5, 1967.”
[26] US. United Sates Congress. Immigration Act of 1990: conference report. United States 101st Congress 2nd Session. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1990.
[27] Ibid.
[28] Ibid.
[29] Williams, Raymond Brady. Christian Pluralism in the United States. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1996. 16.
[30] “Religion and Politics Survey, 1996.” The Pew Center for People and the Press. [American Religious Data Archive]. http://www.arda.tm/ [cited 14 December 2004].
[31] Ibid. 16-17.
[32] Sam ___. Interview by Daniel Arnold. 17 November 2004.
[33] Pastor Danesh Manik. Interview by Daniel Arnold. 24 November 2004.
[34] Supasani ____. Interview by Daniel Arnold. 2004.
[35] Williams, Raymond Brady. Christian Pluralism in the United States. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1996. 18.
[36] Pastor Danesh Manik. Interview by Daniel Arnold. 24 November 2004.
[37] Ibid.
[38] Ibid.
[39] Sam ___. Interview by Daniel Arnold. 17 November 2004.
[40] Supasani ____. Interview by Daniel Arnold. 2004.
[41] Pastor Danesh Manik. Interview by Daniel Arnold. 24 November 2004.
[42] Hiatt, Shobha. “Global Adjustments: Transitions made easy.” India Currents. 15, no. 10 (2001): 43.
[43] Ibid.
[44] Ibid.